by @斯芬克斯
全文约 24000 字，阅读约需 15 分钟。
写于 2023.01.15
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开头，还是要感慨一句：
之前并不知道爱因斯坦是社会主义者，但知道之后，再回想，又觉得非常正常。
毕竟，存在「社会主义不可能三角」嘛，如图：
- 如果一个人很聪明，却不相信社会主义，说明这个人不善良；
- 如果一个人很善良，却不相信社会主义，说明这个人不聪明；
- 如果一个人既聪明，又善良，那么他就不会不相信社会主义。
一个正常人类，只要他既聪明，又善良，那么在了解了人类的历史之后，就不可能不成为一个坚定的社会主义者，不可能不愿意为了解放全人类的使命而奋斗。
同志们，共勉。
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<Why Socialism?>《为什么要社会主义？》
Albert Einstein
作者：阿尔伯特.爱因斯坦
译者：我（献丑了，非专业翻译，有错的地方欢迎指正）
This essay was orginally published in the first issue of Monthly Review (May 1949).
本文最初发表于 1949 年 5 月的《每月评论 Monthly Review》创刊第一期。
（译者注：《每月评论》Monthly Review 是一个独立社会主义杂志，1949 年创刊，每月在纽约市出版。该出版物是美国持续发行时间最长的社会主义杂志。影响因子为 0.460。以上信息来自维基）
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一个对经济和社会问题并不专业的人，在社会主义话题上发表观点，是否明智呢？我觉得是的，我可以给出很多理由，如下所述。
Is it advisable for one who is not an expert on economic and social issues to express views on the subject of socialism? I believe for a number of reasons that it is.
（译者注：爱因斯坦这里是在自问，他自己哪怕是作为一个只懂物理学不懂经济学和社会学的人，是否可以公开讨论社会问题。注意，爱因斯坦未必不懂经济学，后文可看出，至少他非常熟悉「政治经济学」，所以这里的表述可看作是他的一种自谦，或者叫让步状语从句，即「退一步说」）
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我们首先从科学知识的角度来思考一下这个问题。
Let us first consider the question from the point of view of scientific knowledge.
天文学和经济学的基本研究方法，似乎并无实质差异——这两个领域的科学家们，都力图基于观察到的有限的现象，去发现普适的规律，以便把这些现象之间的联系尽可能地解释清楚。
It might appear that there are no essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics: scientists in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for a circumscribed group of phenomena in order to make the interconnection of these phenomena as clearly understandable as possible.
但实际上，研究方法上的差异，是确实存在的。
But in reality such methodological differences do exist.
在观察经济学现象时，由于存在很多非常难以独立评估的因素，而它们又会对环境产生影响，这就使得经济规律（比物理规律）更加难以被发现。
The discovery of general laws in the field of economics is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately.
（译者注：爱因斯坦是在强调，比起纯客观的、不太需要人类参与的天文学，人类社会中才存在的经济学，有其特殊性——特殊就在于，经济规律受人类实践的影响，更难以被清晰观察和总结）
此外，众所周知，从人类历史的所谓文明时代 (civilized period) 以来，有些因素在很大程度上影响和约束着我们所积累的经验，而这些因素从本质上绝不可能仅仅是经济方面的。
In addition, the experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the so-called civilized period of human history has—as is well known—been largely influenced and limited by causes which are by no means exclusively economic in nature.
比如说，历史上大多数主要国家，由通过征服而建立的。
For example, most of the major states of history owed their existence to conquest.
在法律上和经济上，征服者的民族将自己定义为被征服国家中的特权阶层。
The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and economically, as the privileged class of the conquered country.
他们夺取并垄断了土地所有权，并且指派自己人作为神职人员。
They seized for themselves a monopoly of the land ownership and appointed a priesthood from among their own ranks.
（译者注：爱因斯坦原文中使用了英语单词 priesthood，该词一般指「基叫」体系中的牧师/神父，但考虑到本文讨论的社会规律在各文明中的普适性，译者将这一单词意译为更宽泛的「神职人员」）
神职人员通过控制教育，将社会阶层永久固化，并创造出一套指引社会行为的价值体系，在不知不觉中驯化人民。
The priests, in control of education, made the class division of society into a permanent institution and created a system of values by which the people were thenceforth, to a large extent unconsciously, guided in their social behavior.
但历史传统毕竟是昨天的事了，全人类也仍然没有克服 托尔斯坦·凡勃仑 所说的人类发展过程中的「掠夺阶段 predatory phase」。
But historic tradition is, so to speak, of yesterday; nowhere have we really overcome what Thorstein Veblen called “the predatory phase” of human development.
（译者注：托尔斯坦·凡勃仑，即 托斯丹·邦德·范伯伦 Thorstein Bunde Veblen，1857年7月30日~1929年8月3日），生于美国威斯康辛州卡托Cato，挪威裔美国人，经济学家，为制度经济学的创始者。著作有 1899 年《有闲阶级论 The Theory of the Leisure Class》及 1904 年《企业理论 The Theory of Business Enterprise》）
目前可见的经济事实都属于这一（掠夺）阶段，甚至我们从中推导出来的规律，也无法适用于其他阶段。
The observable economic facts belong to that phase and even such laws as we can derive from them are not applicable to other phases.
既然社会主义的真正目的，恰好是克服并超越人类发展中的掠夺阶段，那么当前的经济学就无法预见未来的社会主义社会是什么样子。
Since the real purpose of socialism is precisely to overcome and advance beyond the predatory phase of human development, economic science in its present state can throw little light on the socialist society of the future.
（译者注：爱因斯坦这一部分是想论证，由于旧有的经济学规律，均发现于掠夺时代且服务于掠夺时代，因此无法预见未来的社会主义时代。那么，社会主义时代到底什么样呢？爱因斯坦哪怕真的不懂经济学，也可以从自然科学的角度，去推导出以下结论）
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其次，社会主义直接指向一个社会伦理目的。
Second, socialism is directed towards a social-ethical end.
然而，科学既无法创造目的，更不可能把目的灌输给人类；科学最多也仅仅是达成某种目的的手段而已。
Science, however, cannot create ends and, even less, instill them in human beings; science, at most, can supply the means by which to attain certain ends.
（译者注：个人觉得，爱因斯坦在这里化用了马克思对于「工具&目的」的观点，即人既是解放自我的工具、又以解放自我为目的，而科学只是工具、不是目的。）
对此，我也有类似看法，参见旧文：
816 一味求真，真的就是正确的吗？
753 科学真的是真理吗？
但是，由那些具备崇高道德理想的人，所孕育出的目的，不仅没有夭折，反而充满活力，它们吸引和鼓舞着半知半觉的民众向前走，并决定了社会的缓慢进化。
But the ends themselves are conceived by personalities with lofty ethical ideals and—if these ends are not stillborn, but vital and vigorous—are adopted and carried forward by those many human beings who, half unconsciously, determine the slow evolution of society.
因此，当涉及到人类的问题时，我们要警惕自己，不要高估科学和科学方法；我们也不该迷信专家，并不是只有他们才有权在影响社会结构的问题上发表意见。
For these reasons, we should be on our guard not to overestimate science and scientific methods when it is a question of human problems; and we should not assume that experts are the only ones who have a right to express themselves on questions affecting the organization of society.
有段时间了，有很多人宣称人类社会正在经历危机，称社会稳定性已经被严重损害——这种情况的特征是：个体对其所属的群体，不论大小，都漠不关心，甚至充满敌意。
Innumerable voices have been asserting for some time now that human society is passing through a crisis, that its stability has been gravely shattered. It is characteristic of such a situation that individuals feel indifferent or even hostile toward the group, small or large, to which they belong.
我试着用亲身经历的事做个说明。我最近和一位好脾气的聪明人聊起下一场战争的威胁，我认为那会严重危及人类的生存，而只有超国家的组织 (supra-national organization) 才能提供保护。结果，对方却平静而冷酷地回答说：「您为什么这么反对人类的绝灭呢？」
In order to illustrate my meaning, let me record here a personal experience. I recently discussed with an intelligent and well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would seriously endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supra-national organization would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor, very calmly and coolly, said to me: “Why are you so deeply opposed to the disappearance of the human race?”
我相信，哪怕是短短一百年前，都不会有人这么轻率地讨论整个人类。这个人也曾为追求内心平静而徒劳地挣扎过，现在他已经放弃了获胜的希望。
I am sure that as little as a century ago no one would have so lightly made a statement of this kind. It is the statement of a man who has striven in vain to attain an equilibrium within himself and has more or less lost hope of succeeding.
如今有这么多人都在痛苦地表达着自己的孤立无援，是什么原因呢？我们能找到出路吗？
It is the expression of a painful solitude and isolation from which so many people are suffering in these days. What is the cause? Is there a way out?
提出这些问题很容易，但想要给出靠谱的答案却很难。但我必须尽力尝试，哪怕我非常清楚，人类的感受和挣扎往往充满矛盾、晦涩不明，无法用清晰易懂的公式来描述。
It is easy to raise such questions, but difficult to answer them with any degree of assurance. I must try, however, as best I can, although I am very conscious of the fact that our feelings and strivings are often contradictory and obscure and that they cannot be expressed in easy and simple formulas.
（译者注：在这一段中，爱因斯坦结合个人经历，提出了一个根本问题：为什么当代人，过得如此孤独和痛苦？根源在哪里？出路在哪里？）
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人，既是独立的，又是社会的。
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being.
（译者注：非常马克思主义了，人的生物性，人的社会性，人的两重性这一客观事实奠定了辩证唯物主义的基本命题：物质决定意识，意识对物质有反作用）
作为独立个体，人会努力保护自己、亲人，满足自己的欲望，发展内在的能力。（译者注：后文将此概括为「为自己」的冲动）
As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal desires, and to develop his innate abilities.
作为社会成员，人会追求同胞的认可和喜爱，会分享他们的喜悦，安慰他们的伤悲，改善他们的生活状况。（译者注：后文将此概括为「为社会」的冲动）
As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their conditions of life.
正是这些同时共存、彼此冲突的努力，构成了特定的人，其特定组合决定了一个人在多大程度上，能达到内心平衡，能贡献社会福利。
Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting, strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being of society.
个体心中这两种冲动（为自己 vs. 为社会）的相对强度，很可能主要是由遗传决定的。但是一个人最后形成的人格，却取决于个体在找寻自我的发展过程中所处的环境，取决于社会结构，取决于社会传统，取决于社会如何评价不同的行为。
It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior.
「社会」这个抽象的概念，是指个体与同时代人的，以及于之前所有各代人的，直接关系和间接关系的总和。
The abstract concept “society” means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations.
（译者注：正如马克思所说，「人的本质，是其一切社会关系的总和」，那么社会，即是一切人的本质的总和）
个人能够独立地思考、感受、努力和工作；但他却在肉体、心智、情感等方方面面都依赖于社会，要想脱离社会框架去思考或理解一个人，是不可能做到的。
The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society—in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence—that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society.
是社会为个体提供了食物、衣服、家庭、劳动工具、语言、思维模式，以及大部分的想法。只有借助过去和现在的百万人、亿万人的劳动和成果，个体的生活才成为可能——而这一切，都躲在小小的「社会」两个字背后。
It is “society” which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word “society.”
因此，很显然，人类个体依赖于人类社会，就像蚂蚁和蜜蜂那样，这是不可否认的客观事实。但是，蚂蚁和蜜蜂的一切细节活动都是被严格的生物本能所限制的，而人类的社会形态和人际关系却是丰富多彩、千变万化的。
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be abolished—just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change.
记忆力、建立新联结的能力、口头交流的天赋，这让人类不再被生物学的必然性支配，而拥有了更多的发展可能。这些发展体现在传统、制度、组织中，体现在文学中，体现在科学、工程成果中，体现在艺术品中。
Memory, the capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments among human being which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art.
这说明，在某种意义上，受个体有意识的思考和欲求所影响，通过自己的行为，人可以改变自己的生活。
This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious thinking and wanting can play a part.
（译者注：这一段中，爱因斯坦强调，人既作为动物有着「为自己」的冲动，又作为社会动物有着「为社会」的冲动。客观上，人无法离开社会，但主观上，人可以通过行为改变自己的生活，进而改变社会。如何改变，为了什么而改变，下文中他将开始讨论）
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人在出生时，就通过遗传而获得了一种固定不变的生物属性 (biological constitution)，其中包括了人类种族特有的本能冲动。
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species.
同时，终其一生，人又通过交流等途径，从社会中获取了一种文化属性 (cultural constitution)。
In addition, during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through communication and through many other types of influences.
个体的文化属性会随着时间而变化，很大程度上决定了个体与社会的关系。
It is this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the individual and society.
（译者注：爱因斯坦会反复强调「个体与/对社会的关系」，这是本文的核心）
现代人类学通过对所谓的原始文化 (primitive cultures) 进行比较研究发现，随着社会中占据主导的文化形态和组织类型不同，人类的社会行为也会出现很大的差异。
Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which predominate in society.
这一事实让想要改善人类命运的人们，看到了希望：人类并非生来注定要彼此毁灭的，也并非生来注定要被残酷自戕的命运所摆布。
It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
在讨论我们该如何改变一个人的社会结构和文化态度，以便改善人类生活之前，我们需要先意识到一个事实：有哪些条件，是我们无法改变的。
If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify.
如前所述，人类的生物学本质，实际上是不会改变的。此外，过去几个世纪的科技和人口发展所创造出来的客观条件，也已经存在。
As mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay.
对人口聚居相对密集的区域，继续为其提供极度细分的劳动分工和高度集中的生产设备，是必要的。小国寡民、自给自足的田园牧歌时代 (idyllic)，已经永远地一去不复返了。
In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly-centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The time—which, looking back, seems so idyllic—is gone forever when individuals or relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient.
可以稍微夸张一点地说，现在人类已经形成了一个生产和消费的行星级社区 (planetary community)。
It is only a slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.
（译者注：这一段是非常科研的思维方式，先看公式中有哪些变量，再看哪些变量是不可控的，即需要作为已知条件的控制变量，然后根据想要的结果即因变量的变化规律，开始调节可变的变量即自变量，以进行社会/思维实验。爱因斯坦一边说他无法用公式表述人类的苦难，一边写出了表述人类苦难的社会科学公式。然后，他捏紧自变量，开始求解）
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现在，我可以简要地指出，我们所处时代的危机，本质上是到底什么——是个体对社会的关系。
I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society.
现在，个体比史上任何时候都更能意识到自己对社会的依赖性。但人们并不把这种依赖看作是一种正向的资产、一种有机的纽带、一种保护的力量，反倒是当成对其天赋权利、经济利益的一种威胁。
The individual has become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence.
此外，个体在社会中的地位，也会不断地强调其妄自尊大的「为自己」的冲动，而不停毁坏其本就相对较弱的「为社会」的冲动。
Moreover, his position in society is such that the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate.
（译者注：此处为使文意更直白，在译文中引用了上面我们定义过的两种对立的冲动）
不论其社会地位如何，全人类都在这种社会恶化进程中受苦。这些陷入利己主义 (自我中心主义 egotism) 而不自知的囚徒，日复一日地感受着不安、孤独，完全丧失了天真、单纯、朴素的生活乐趣。
All human beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life.
（译者注：其实正如我们之前一直说的，精致利己主义者看似不需要关心任何人，活得很潇洒，实际上，由于人类作为哺乳动物其天性上是渴求群体接纳和关注的，这一生物属性如爱因斯坦所说是无法改变的，所以自我中心主义者的自私自利只是让它们把自己锁闭在了一处终身监禁的孤岛之上）
一个人的一生，既短暂又艰险，唯有将自己投入到社会中去，才有可能找到人生的意义。
Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.
（译者注：
我们选择了最能为人类福利而劳动的职业，
我们就不会为它的重负所压倒，
因为这是为全人类所作的牺牲；
那时，
我们感到的将不是一点点自私而可怜的欢乐，
我们的幸福将属于千万人，
我们的事业并不显赫一时，
但将永远存在；
而面对我们的骨灰，
高尚的人们将洒下热泪。
——马克思）
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在我看来，邪恶的真正源头是，当今资本主义社会中存在的，经济上的无政府状态。
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil.
（译者注：注意，爱因斯坦说的是经济上的无政府状态 economic anarchy，而不是单纯的无政府状态 anarchy，后者是纯粹的乱世，而前者则是一个看似有序的社会，但其经济竞争处于混乱无序当中）
在我们面前，有一个巨大的生产者共同体 (community of producers)，他们永不止歇地彼此争斗——不是靠暴力，而是靠严格地遵从法律规定——只为抢夺集体劳动的果实。
We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor—not by force, but on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules.
（译者注：中国读者要重点理解本段中出现的「合法 legally」一词，这在爱因斯坦全文的语境中，其实是一种反讽——他后文中嘲讽资本家控制了资本主义社会的立法机构，确立了只利于资本家、不利于工人的结构性地剥削劳动者的法律，所以资本家只要严格守法「费厄泼赖 fair play」，就能立于不败）
重要的是一定要明白，不论是生产消费货物 (consumer goods)、还是生产额外的资本货物 (capital goods)，覆盖了整体生产能力的生产资料 (means of production)，全都可以合法地、并且绝大部分已经合法地变成了私人财产。
In this respect, it is important to realize that the means of production—that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods as well as additional capital goods—may legally be, and for the most part are, the private property of individuals.
（译者注：这段显然是来自马克思主义政治经济学中的分析框架，可见爱因斯坦是认真读过马克思著作的。用今天的日常话术简单来说，就是资本主义社会中的资本家已经占有了一切生产资料——不管是放在商场里供消费者购买的 C 端商品，还是放在工场里供其他生产商使用的 B 端商品，都是由属于资本家私人的生产资料所生产出来的，因此也都属于资本家私人所有）
简便起见，虽然这并不符合日常用法，但下文中我仍会把所有并不占有生产资料 (means of production) 的人，统称为「工人 workers」。
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call “workers” all those who do not share in the ownership of the means of production—although this does not quite correspond to the customary use of the term.
生产资料的所有者（即资本家），同时是工人们劳动力的购买者。新的商品由工人利用生产资料制造出来，却变成了资本家的财产。
The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the capitalist.
这个过程的关键点，是工人的劳动产出和劳动报酬之间的关系，两者均用实际价值 (real value) 衡量。考虑到劳动合同是「自由」的，决定工人劳动报酬的，并不是其劳动产出的实际价值，而是其最小生活所需（译者注：指饿不死就行），以及资本家的招工数量与应聘工人数量之间的供需关系。
The essential point about this process is the relation between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value. Insofar as the labor contract is “free” what the worker receives is determined not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists’ requirements for labor power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs.
（译者注：此处「自由」为反讽，工人失去了一切生产资料，根本不拥有不工作的自由，因为不工作没收入就会饿死，在「生存或者死亡」面前，这样的「自由」注定是不自由的）
重点是一定要明白，即便在理论上，工人的工资也不是由其生产的商品价值决定的。
It is important to understand that even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
（译者注：在这一部分中，爱因斯坦论述了资本主义对于全社会公民的第一层剥削，即经济层面的对剩余价值的剥削）
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私人资本倾向于向少数人手中集中，一部分是由于资本家之间的竞争，一部分是由于技术发展、分工细化，不断促使小的生产单位（或者说工厂/企业）聚合成大的生产单位 (units of production)。
Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of smaller ones.
结果就形成了私人资本寡头，其权力过于巨大，即便是民主政治也无法对其进行有效控制。事实上，通过赞助等手段对政党施加影响，并进而控制立法选举，私人资本家实际上已经把选民 (electorate) 和立法机关 (legislature) 给隔离开了。
The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the legislature.
（译者注：这其实就是西方民主下「一人一票」的本质，可以称为「钞票换选票」，即资本家用钱控制舆论来操纵选举，也可以称为「自由剥削」，即有钱人随意篡改一切，让人类社会回到丛林。旧文有述：A021 一人一票，自由剥削）
于是，人民的代表（并不能代表人民），并不能有效保护那些不属于特权阶层的普罗大众的利益。
The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population.
更严重的是，在当今社会，私人资本家必然会或直接或间接地控制主要信息渠道，比如媒体、广播、教育等。因此，一个普通公民想要得出客观结论、理智地运用自己的政治权利，是极其困难的，实际上绝大多数时候是不可能做到的。
Moreover, under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.
（译者注：在这里，爱因斯坦指出了一个重要的悖论——个体可以出于自私的目的，不跟任何人商量，仅仅是放弃自己对社会应负的义务，便任由社会环境恶化，但当个体后悔了想要改善这一现状时，仅靠个体自己的力量却是无能为力的）
（译者注：在这一部分中，爱因斯坦论述了资本主义对于全社会公民的第二层剥削，即政治权利层面的对民主自由的剥削）
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因此，以资本的私人所有制为基础的经济中，其特征是存在两条主要原则：
The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized by two main principles:
第一，生产资料（即资本）归私人所有，资本家可以随意进行处置；第二，劳动合同是自由的。
first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free.
当然，这么纯粹的资本主义社会是不存在的。尤其是要注意到，工人们通过长期艰苦的政治斗争，已经成功地在某些特定行业中，得到了一份某种程度上有所改善的「自由劳动合同」。但是整体来看，当下的经济和「纯粹的」资本主义并没有多大区别。
Of course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers, through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form of the “free labor contract” for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the present day economy does not differ much from “pure” capitalism.
（什么是纯粹的资本主义呢——）生产是为了逐利，而非为了使用。
Production is carried on for profit, not for use.
并没有一条规定，去保证凡有能力且有意愿工作的人，就一定能找到工作。「失业大军」一直存在，工人们一直处于失业的恐惧之中。
There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always be in a position to find employment; an “army of unemployed” almost always exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job.
遭受着失业和低薪的工人们，并没有多少钱能够用于消费，于是消费品生产受限，进而导致了严重的经济困难。
Since unemployed and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers’ goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence.
技术进步往往并没有减轻工作负担，反而是导致了更多失业。逐利的冲动，资本家之间的竞争，共同妨碍了资本的稳定积累和高效利用，进而引发了越来越严重的衰退。
Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions.
无限制的竞争带来了劳动力的巨大浪费，且如我之前所说，无限制的竞争还毁坏了个人的社会意识。
Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
（译者注：即爱因斯坦前文中反复提到的，资本主义提倡的无限制的竞争，让明明依赖于社会才能存活的个体，「为自己」的冲动远大于「为社会」的冲动）
我认为，对个体的社会意识的毁坏，体现了资本主义最邪恶的一面。我们的教育体系也受其毒害，将过度竞争的观念灌输给学生们，把孩子们训练成了拜物慕强 (worship acquisitive success) 的后备军。
This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
（译者注：爱因斯坦推导出了这样的逻辑线——资本逐利的本能，引发资本主义社会中无限制的竞争，最终会导致全社会价值观的崩坏，让每个人都无限趋向于「不关心社会只关心自己」，这是资本主义最大的邪恶）
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我坚信，有且只有一种办法，可以彻底铲除（资本主义带来的）这种毒害——那就是建立社会主义经济，同时建立指向社会（共同利益）目标的教育体系。
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals.
在这样的社会中，生产资料归全社会所有，并实施计划经济——按社会的需要来调节生产，把工作分配给所有有工作能力的人，保障每一个人（无论男女老少）的生活。
In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child.
（译者注：这是爱因斯坦写于 1949 年的文章，后来中国的社会主义实践已经证明，在 1950s 就完全实施计划经济、一步迈入共产主义社会是不行的，是不符合当时生产力发展水平的要求的）
教育，除了提升个体的天赋之外，将不再像我们当今社会中那样，一味地赞颂权力和成功，而要努力培养个体对同胞的责任感。
The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
然而，必须要记住的是，计划经济并不是社会主义。计划经济还有可能伴随着对个体的完全奴役。
Nevertheless, it is necessary to remember that a planned economy is not yet socialism. A planned economy as such may be accompanied by the complete enslavement of the individual.
（译者注：这一担心，也正是哈耶克在《通往奴役之路》中的论断。爱因斯坦意识到了这个悖论，并且在后面提出了他的担忧。不过相比之下，哈耶克的思想水平就太低了，他认定社会主义=计划经济，进而推导出计划经济=经济毒菜=奴役之路，完全忽略了人类在客观现实面前的主观能动性，之前有旧文批判过哈耶克的幼稚：A028 哈耶克，预言了美国的灭亡）
社会主义的实现，有赖于找到以下这些社会政治难题的答案：在政治和经济权力如此集中的前提下，如何避免官僚体系变得过于强大而傲慢呢？又要如何保障个体的权利，用民主来制衡官僚主义的权力呢？
The achievement of socialism requires the solution of some extremely difficult socio-political problems: how is it possible, in view of the far-reaching centralization of political and economic power, to prevent bureaucracy from becoming all-powerful and overweening? How can the rights of the individual be protected and therewith a democratic counterweight to the power of bureaucracy be assured?
（译者注：爱因斯坦准确地预言了前苏在 1950s 之后将会面临的重大挑战——其堡垒内部赘生出来的背叛了人民的「党-国精英」卖国集团，而毛也在其晚年反复强调过我们建议社会主义最大的敌人——并不是外来的资本主义，而是内部的官僚主义）
在我们这个转型的时代中，（向民众）澄清社会主义的目标和问题，是非常非常重要的事。在当前环境中，已经有一股强大的禁忌力量，在阻止人们自由地讨论社会主义。因此，我认为这本杂志（即发表本文的社会主义刊物《每月评论》）的发行，是一项重要的公共服务。
Clarity about the aims and problems of socialism is of greatest significance in our age of transition. Since, under present circumstances, free and unhindered discussion of these problems has come under a powerful taboo, I consider the foundation of this magazine to be an important public service.
（译者注：你说巧不巧？彼时彼刻，恰如此时此刻。在社会主义中国的网络空间上，同样存在着一股强大的禁忌力量，既有官僚主义，又有资本主义，捆绑在一起形成了恶臭的官僚资本主义，试图阻止人民自由地讨论社会主义。因此，我认为爱因斯坦的这篇旧文，不仅不过时，反而恰当其时，与同志们共勉）
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